The peace delusion
Though Putin and Trump share a tactical interest in cooperation, Russia remains a strategic adversary for the US imperial state, and Russia knows it, which is why true peace remains out of reach
I’ve written for UnHerd about the Trump-Putin summit in Alaska and the subsequent meeting with Zelensky and European leaders in Washington, and what these developments mean for the prospects of ending the war in Ukraine.
Let’s start with the good news. The Anchorage, Alaska meeting formally reestablished direct dialogue between the world’s two largest military and nuclear powers. It marked the first face-to-face meeting between a US and Russian president since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, and the first such encounter on American soil in nearly two decades, signalling a turning point in US-Russia relations which, since 2022, had reached levels of hostility not seen since the Cold War. This is obviously good news for anyone interested in avoid thermonuclear war.
Yet a comprehensive political settlement to the Ukraine war continues to remain elusive. Not only because Europe and Zelensky remain opposed to any deal on Russian terms — the only possibile terms, given that Russia is winning the war — for reasons that I explain in the article. But more fundamentally because achieving lasting peace is about much more than just recognising Russia’s control over Crimea and the four annexed oblasts; it’s about addressing the “primary roots of the conflict”, as Putin repeated in Anchorage: that Ukraine will never join NATO, that the West will not transform it into a de facto military outpost on Russia’s border and that a broader “balance of security in Europe” be restored. This effectively amounts to a wholesale reconfiguration of the global security order — one that would reduce NATO’s role, end US supremacy and acknowledge a multipolar world in which other powers can rise without Western interference.
This is something Trump — and more fundamentally the US imperial establishment, which operates largely independent of whoever occupies the White House — cannot concede to. As I write in the article:
For all his rhetoric about ending “forever wars”, Trump continues to embrace a fundamentally supremacist vision of America’s role in the world — albeit a more pragmatic one than that of the liberal-imperialist establishment. His administration continues to support NATO rearmament and even the redeployment of US nuclear weapons along multiple fronts, from the UK to the Pacific. Trump’s policies toward China, Iran and the broader Middle East confirm that Washington still sees itself as an empire whose global dominance must be preserved at all costs — not only through economic pressure, but also through military confrontation when deemed necessary.
Within this framework, Russia remains a central challenge. As a pivotal ally of both China and Iran, it is embedded in the architecture of the emerging multipolar order that threatens US hegemony. For Washington, Moscow is not simply a regional actor but a key node in a broader strategic realignment.
Trump, however, appears willing — at least temporarily — to put the “Russia problem” on hold, focusing instead on the larger confrontation with China. But this indicates a shift in priorities rather than principles: the logic of American supremacy ensures that Russia will remain on the list of adversaries, even if the spotlight briefly shifts elsewhere.
In this sense, Trump would probably be content with a scenario in which the US extricates itself from the Ukrainian debacle while leaving Europe to shoulder the burden a while longer — possibly until conditions on the ground deteriorate so severely that a settlement on Russian terms becomes unavoidable. Indeed, JD Vance and Pete Hegseth said as much, arguing that the US will stop funding the war, but Europe can continue if it wishes — buying American weapons in the process. This “division of labour” would allow Washington to reallocate resources to the coming confrontation with China, while leaving Europeans stuck in an unwinnable war.
The Russians are well aware of all this. They likely harbour no illusions about the real objectives of the US imperial establishment. And they know full well that any deal struck with Trump could be overturned at any moment. However, Putin’s short-term goals align with Trump’s. One could say that Russia and the United States are strategic adversaries whose leaders nonetheless share a tactical interest in cooperation.
Seen in this light, one might postulate that the purpose of the Alaska summit was never to secure a final peace agreement. Both Trump and Putin doubtless understand that such a deal is currently impossible. Rather, the meeting was about allowing the US to step back from Ukraine without admitting defeat, while Russia continues to advance.
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Thomas Fazi
Website: thomasfazi.net
Twitter: @battleforeurope
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Yes, exactly.
A great deal of the curent conflict in the world can be boiled down to 500 years of Eurocolonialim or Eurosupremacy, a movement of which the US is the current leader.
Trump cannot be a peacemaker without renouncing this belief system and engaging with the world on terms of equal humanity.
And yet, unlike the past 500 years, technological state of affairs now allows many countries to somewhat defend themselves from Eurocolonialism, or at least have a plausible outlook to try fighting it off.
So no peace is possible now, as The predator remains inchanged and the prey are becoming less huntable.
This can only end with peace on a new equilibrium that features a a shrunken predator, but that evoloution will take tine. And which parts of its own body will the predator evolve to dispense with? Looks to me also like Europe is now the prey of the US also. But no one in the media has stated this to the European people.
Good to know (essential, frankly) that others see the world as it is!!! Thomas, I found you on Compact and have followed you ever since. You and your readers (most of them) are spot on regarding the so-called Anglosphere.
Jeff Sachs often speaks to this. How about a column comparing Sachs with the "other" champion of peace in Ukraine, John Mearsheimer? They are often described as of like mind but their differences are profound. Sachs is an idealist (as am I) and Mearsheimer a realist. Sachs thinks multipolarity is the way forward (go BRICS!) and Mearsheimer thinks the U.S. needs to pivot from Russia and Europe to our more powerful (for now) "peer competitor" China.
I think the "realist" view is sublime nonsense. It is UNrealistic. It is anachronistic. Nature is the new sheriff in town, thanks to humans' predatory destruction of our own habitat, a first among species in the history of life on Earth.
Nature is fighting back. (I realize ai am anthropomorphizing here.) Only through an end to war and an unprecedented era of global cooperation among all nations that puts saving our habitat ALONE at the top of the agenda will our species survive the ongoing catastrophe called (euphemistically) "climate change." Sachs gets this. Mearsheimer doesn't.
Some say, bring it on! It's time for H. sapiens to go!
I say, it's time for H. sapiens to change. We must evolve in the way only humans can evolve, by thinking.
I.e., not by sacrificing our intelligence to dumb algorithms. AI hasn't a clue about anything. Rather, what clues it has are capable only of repeating our mistakes.